Promoting democratic means to prevent electoral violence in the Republic of Congo
‘Members Stories’ is a new series of articles issued by the Civil Society Platform for Peacebuilding and Statebuilding (CSPPS) in direct collaboration with its members, featuring their work.
Curious to find out more about our colleagues in the Republic of Congo? This week we talked with Ivan Kibangou Ngoy, Jean Jules Gouaka, and Jean Mellon, members of CSPPS Congolese Country Team. They exchange with us about the upcoming elections in the Republic of Congo, the history of violence around electoral processes in the country, and their action toward the promotion of peaceful conflict resolution and peacebuilding in the electoral context.
I. Introduction
Election-related violence continues to recur in the Republic of Congo. The many attempted solutions have shown their limitations. On the eve of the March 2026 elections, it has become imperative to take action to prevent electoral violence.
Over the past four decades, each electoral process in the Republic of Congo (Brazzaville) has provoked a rise in violence and a series of internal armed conflicts. Over decades, these conflicts have caused countless material and human losses, inflicted atrocious suffering on peaceful populations, and given rise to major injustices and patterns of exclusion.
The stigma and psychological wounds are still alive, as Congo Brazzaville prepares to implement a new electoral process over the next fifteen months, in preparation for the elections scheduled for March 2026.
The CSPPS Congo-Brazzaville Country Team notes that actions to promote peace and prevent violence in Congo are only implemented in response to and after conflicts, after lives have been lost and material property destroyed. Drawing on the lessons learned from past initiatives, the CSPPS Country Team is proposing a preventive approach to electoral violence in Congo Brazzaville, aimed at dealing preventively with electoral issues and related conflicts, in order to anticipate the possible violence that may follow.
II. Historical Context
The Republic of Congo, formerly Moyen-Congo, held its first multi-party, pluralist elections during the colonial era, in 1959. After the results of these elections were announced, major protests triggered a civil war. The solution found by the politicians of the time was to abolish the multi-party system in favour of a single party. However, the experience of this period was just as violent and bitter.
At the beginning of the 1990s, the nation's driving forces - political parties and associations, and NGOs created underground - took advantage of the winds of perestroika to launch demands for civil and political freedoms. These actions, reinforced by the general strike of the single trade union centre and the economic crisis, isolated and suffocated the government, which was forced to convene a sovereign national conference in 1991. This led to a return to pluralist democracy and the regular organisation of political elections.
In 1992, the Congo organised new elections. However, this new electoral process was marred by electoral fraud, leading to the overthrow of the parliamentary majority that had emerged from the ballot box. The country then entered a political crisis, marked by the erection of barricades by private militias of political parties and associations. It took international mediation to put a stop to this armed violence, which led to the holding of annual elections.
However, the new results of these early elections did nothing to ease tensions. The country was now marked by the existence of private militias and areas controlled by political leaders.
The country, already divided, entered the 1997 electoral process in a climate of tension, doubled by the presence of the private militias of the political parties, leading to a new civil war pitting the government against the regular army and the parties of the presidential majority against those of the opposition. The Republic of Congo was invaded by the Angolan army on the instructions of the President of the French Republic, Mr Jacques Chirac, who chose to support the rebels to the detriment of the democratically elected government. The democratic government was overthrown. France, the former colonial power, through its President, welcomed this outcome. In addition to political France, business France also supported the rebellion, in particular the multinational oil company Total Energies.
This war claimed more than 15,000 lives, and triggered a series of other internal conflicts, all linked to electoral processes, until 2017.
The lull described above is just the tip of the iceberg. The Republic of Congo is a powder keg that can ignite at the slightest spark.
Here is what some authors have written about the wars in Congo-Brazzaville:
‘The civil war of 1993-1994 allowed a climate of permanent political tension and insecurity to settle in Congo-Brazzaville, exacerbated by mistrust between the antagonistic political parties, which as a result maintain private militias after having distributed numerous weapons of war anarchically among the population.’
‘In Congo-Brazzaville, the 1991 National Conference paved the way for political pluralism and the first free elections. But from military parades to successive coups d'état, from 1993 to 2002 the country sank into a long civil war in which each of the main belligerents was supported by armed militias. The only way for history to stand out is by returning to the archaic forms of colonial mercenarism or the values of millenarianism’.
‘As for the resumption of violence in the Pool, where, since the 2016 presidential election, operations have been carried out by the Congolese army against local militias, many Congolese admit they don't understand what's going on.’
III. Unsuccessful solutions
a. Political Dialogues
Following the war in 1997, the victors in the conflict wanted to bring peace to the country. To this end, the ‘Convention pour la paix et la reconstruction du Congo’ political dialogue was organised. After this dialogue, many others followed and were organised on the eve of electoral processes or after armed conflicts. A total of six dialogues were organised, none of which produced the expected results. On the contrary, these dialogues have reinforced the misunderstandings of the political class, weakening the foundations of the peace that emerged from the signing of the cessation of hostilities agreements.
b. Ceasefire and cessation of hostilities agreements
Several agreements were signed between belligerents (government and rebels or political party leaders in charge of private militias), but their implementation gave rise to numerous misunderstandings and often ended badly, leaving the population in a climate of fear and uncertainty.
c. Support from the international community
The UNDP (United Nations Development Programme) is at the head of actions and initiatives to resolve conflicts and restore peace in Congo Brazzaville. In particular, the UNDP is behind the demobilisation, disarmament and reintegration (DDR) programmes.
However, by virtue of its mandate, the UN agency works directly with governments and therefore tends to not meaningfully consult with civil society.
In the Republic of Congo, the government institution responsible for civil society issues, the Consultative Council of Associations and NGOs, which is attached to the Office of the President of the Republic, is a considerable brake on the work of CSOs, threatening their independence in their actions to consolidate peace and resolve conflicts.
Thus, the UNDP, working mainly through this institution and the organisations maintained by it, does not guarantee the neutrality, nature and role of CSOs in the management of internal conflicts in Congo Brazzaville.
Congolese CSOs would therefore like to strengthen their engagement and possible collaboration with international institutions so that the credibility and expertise of the United Nations system in conflict resolution and reparation processes creates a snowball effect in the Central African sub-region. As this region is plagued by violent conflicts and unconstitutional changes or amendments to constitutions to maintain or violently seize power, the participation of civil society would be an essential lever for change.
d. General Delegation to the President of the Republic, responsible for promoting the values of peace and repairing the legacy of war (Délégation générale auprès du président de la République, chargé de la promotion des valeurs de paix et de la réparation des séquelles de guerre)
The objectives of this delegation were nevertheless noble: to promote and coordinate individual and community initiatives in the fields of peacebuilding and reparation for the consequences of war. The aim of the delegation was to develop, propose and implement policies and strategies for peacebuilding and reparation for the consequences of war, and to study ways in which the State, international donors and development partners could finance policies for peace-building and reparation for the consequences of war.
But this institution, created by the government, was tailor-made just for the Reverend Pasteur NTUMI (the most well-known and prominent rebel leader), after two ceasefire and cessation of hostilities agreements had been signed. This rebel leader is no longer in service, currently engaged in a new armed conflict. This institution, which was only created in 2017, has fallen into disuse and has unfortunately never really functioned.
e. Constitutional Institutions
The 2015 Constitution established several institutions to consolidate and preserve peace. However, a lack of political will is hampering their optimal functioning, to produce the expected effects.
- The National Dialogue Council (Le Conseil National du Dialogue)
This Council even received assistance from the United Nations Programme to start up its activities, but the launch was boycotted by the opposition political parties. There has been total silence to this day.
However, this Council has a Permanent Secretary appointed by decree, who has a cabinet, while the members who should come from components such as political parties (majority and opposition) and civil society, have not yet been appointed. This Council is still an unfinished job, yet in a moribund state.
- The Civil Society Consultative Council (Le Conseil Consultatif de la société civile)
Far from being an instrument to support the participation of civil society in the life of the nation, this Council is rather a means of restricting civic space, muzzling and stifling civil society. Attached to the Office of the President of the Republic, the Council functions as an organisation affiliated to the political party from which the current President comes. Diplomatic institutions and United Nations agencies in Congo Brazzaville should not refer to it as an interface between themselves and the country's CSOs.
- The Independent National Electoral Commission (La Commission Nationale Électorale Indépendante [CNEI])
The body in charge of the selections is the real institutional problem of the selections in Congo Brazzaville. Who should organise the selections? And how? In truth, there are no plausible answers to these two questions. In fact, since the return of the current leaders by force of arms, it is the government that organises the selections through the Direction Générale des Affaires Électorales and not the CNEI. Therefore, the CNEI should have the real remit to organise the selections, then the issues of its composition, independence and transparency will be addressed.
IV. What we have done
Congo Brazzaville has a Country Team made up of four organisations: Global Participe, Initiative Plus, Institut pour la Paix et le Développement and Cercle de Réflexion- Action pour de l'Accompagnement et le Développement.
a. Global Participe
Global Participe is the CSPPS Congo Brazzaville Focal Point organisation. It defines itself as a Centre for Research-Action on Democratic Governance and Sustainable Development. Global Participe's main objectives are the involvement and participation of populations in matters of national or local interest, the protection and promotion of human rights, the protection of the environment, and the preservation and consolidation of peace.
To contribute to the preservation and resolution of conflicts, as well as to the consolidation of peace, Global Participe has implemented the following actions:
- Organisation of voter training and awareness sessions
- Training of 150 electoral observers who could not be deployed due to a lack of logistical support.
- Training 500 young people in schools on peace and conflict management and setting up peace committees in 10 urban high schools and colleges.
Global Participe has also set up a Congolese Coalition for the Civic Charter, a citizens' platform for the defence of populations in general, and poor, marginalised and indigenous populations in particular.
Global Participe has also set up the Réseau Congolais des Juristes pour les Médias (Congolese Network of Media Lawyers) to guarantee the protection of journalists, press organs and freedom of communication, and to combat media censorship.
Global Participe has organised advocacy actions against the adoption of a new law on associations. A law that is highly liberticidal of civic space.
b. Cercle de Réflexion-Action pour l’Accompagnement et le Développement
Cercle de Réflexion-Action pour l'Accompagnement et le Développement is the deputy focal point of CSPPS Congo. It defines itself as a framework for research and action to support vulnerable groups in their development. It works to restore the psychological balance of citizens in the context of armed conflict or any other sudden change in the normal course of life, and to strengthen peace.
Cercle de Réflexion Action pour l'Accompagnement et le Développement takes part in the fight against violence against children in schools, and organises awareness-raising campaigns on non-violence in community and school environments.
Cercle de Réflexion Actions pour l'Accompagnement et le Développement has also organised a resilience-building workshop for at-risk teenagers in schools.
c. Initiative plus
Initiative Plus is a human rights and environmental organisation based in Nkayi, in the Bouenza department. The Bouenza department is home to a number of mining and agro-industrial companies that have a negative impact on the lives of local people. With technical assistance from the International Center on Nonviolent Conflict (ICNC), Initiative Plus is organising training for young people in community and school settings this year (2024) on non-violent conflict resolution strategies. The aim of these courses is to reduce the violent reactions of local people to the pollution caused by companies based in the Bouenza department, where Initiative Plus focuses its activities.
For example, since 2022, Initiative Plus has been working with rural communities to combat the environmental pollution caused by Saris-Congo SA, an agro-industrial company based in Nkayi, whose herbicides (Roundup) are destroying farmers' fields and polluting river water in the Kayes sub-prefecture of the Bouenza department.
d. Institut pour la Paix et le Développement
L’Institut pour la Paix et le Développement (IPD) (The Institute for Peace and Development) works to encourage citizen involvement through programmes and projects aimed at preserving the environment, reducing violence against women and protecting human rights, in order to lay the foundations for a harmonious social climate.
Made up mainly of middle school and high school teachers, IPD is currently working on a peace education manual. IPD intends to advocate its inclusion in school curricula to anticipate peace actions against violence of all kinds in schools and communities.
V. Ce que nous voulons faire :
Elections in the Republic of Congo are an ongoing challenge to ensure compliance with the universally accepted guiding principles of elections, including transparency and, above all, integrity in the light of the country's socio-political context. This requires, in particular, the existence of an effective regulatory framework that is, of course, respected by all those involved in the electoral process.
Since the last elections (presidential, legislative and local) in 2021 and 2022, Congo Brazzaville has always been confronted with problems of electoral governance, which represents a real threat to electoral democracy if it is not improved between now and the next elections. In any state, elections are the foundation par excellence on which democracy is built. They will enable Congolese voters to choose their own leaders once again.
Our platform is campaigning for these elections to be held in a free, democratic and transparent manner. It is in this context that the Réseau Congolais pour l'Identification et la Citoyenneté (Congolese Network for Identification and Citizenship), which brings together human rights, peace and democratic development NGOs, would like to see a significant involvement of civil society in supporting the government throughout the electoral process, from the census to the organisation of the post-election period.
The question is, for the next two electoral years (2026-2027), what mechanisms for integrity and transparency will the Congolese electoral process contain? The credibility of the electoral process has often been challenged. The role of the electoral commission is crucial in preserving the integrity and transparency of the electoral process, making it a regulatory instrument on which we, as a platform, must focus to prevent any eventuality. It is with this in mind that we need to involve other players in the electoral process in the Congo, beyond the electoral commission.
These include civil society, political parties, the electorate, state, non-state and institutional players who participate directly or indirectly in the elections in order to guarantee their integrity and transparency.
Thus, as we have just seen, we need other players in the process to ensure that the guiding principles for organising elections are respected, in particular the credibility and reliability of all electoral operations and phases.
VI. Suggestions d’actions pour prévenir les conflits et consolider la paix au Congo-Brazzaville
We have a number of suggestions for supporting the organisation and smooth running of the National Dialogue Council, political parties and associations, and for supporting CSOs and community leaders at national level to prevent conflict and consolidate peace in Congo-Brazzaville, particularly with a view to the forthcoming elections in March 2026.
a. Accompagner l’organisation et le fonctionnement du Conseil National du Dialogue
To this end, we would like to request technical assistance from the United Nations and organisations specialising in mediation and conflict resolution.
b. Supporting parties and political associations
In addition, we believe it is necessary to seek technical support from organisations specialising in assisting political parties and associations, such as NDI, IRI, SILC, IDEA, IFES, etc. This technical assistance will make it possible to organise a large number of training courses, in particular for leaders of political parties and associations in the peaceful management of conflicts, electoral democracy for political parties and associations and party representation. This technical assistance will make it possible to organise a large number of training courses, particularly for the leaders or managers of political parties and associations in the peaceful management of conflicts, but also in electoral democracy for political parties and associations and party representation at polling stations. Finally, we would like to train individuals in the management of electoral disputes.
c. Supporting CSOs in Congo Brazzaville
For civil society organisations, we offer training in a number of areas to build their capacity in electoral processes. These include training in electoral processes, election observation, electoral dispute management and monitoring violations of electoral law. In addition, we would like to provide training in electoral education and the use of social networks to raise public awareness, in particular by popularising electoral law, especially in selected local languages.
d. Supporting community leaders
Finally, we suggest organising training for community leaders in conflict management and mediation.
We hope that such training will enable future elections to be held peacefully and reduce the risk of conflict in the country.
In a country where voter turnout is particularly low, as a result of citizens' loss of confidence in their government, and where electoral processes are always subject to outbreaks of violence among the population, we believe that it is necessary to act, and that the work of civil organisations is essential for change and peace-building. The Congo Brazzaville Country Team will continue to work and advocate actively for the importance of democratic processes and elections for the consolidation of peace in the country.